Sunday, November 22, 2020

NZ's child protection agency is informed by...

 ... a recent Oranga Tamariki paper titled:

UNDERSTANDING MĀORI PERSPECTIVES:Tamariki and rangatahi who are victims of sexual violence or display harmful sexual behaviour


"Sexual violence and harmful sexual behaviours were considered uncommon before the arrival of settlers."


"The idea that men have a right to dominate women or children was not a feature of Māori society and stories about interpersonal violence towards women and children in the past are not common nor was rape widely understood or embedded in Māori language." 


Has anybody told the Mob?

Could Oranga Tamariki researchers please approach them with this revelation?

They are bound to see the error of their ways once pointed out by accredited academics.


Jim Rose said...

Polygamy existed in traditional Māori society to a limited extent, mostly practiced by rangatira (tribal chiefs).[1][2] When New Zealand was annexed into the British Empire in 1840, British law took effect that prohibited polygamous marriage. Colonial law permitted Māori to marry under their own marriage customs, which continued until 1888 (although polygamy was practiced in Māori society – legally or otherwise – well into the 20th century).[3] But in general, polygamy has remained prohibited in New Zealand law.

captainofthegate said...

Reminds me of Margaret Mead. She was an American Anthropologist who wrote about Samoan sexuality. She basically projected her swinging libido onto the unsuspecting Samoans. Her work was later overruled as lies, but not after living a high life and riding her fling with intellectual fandom. What's with polygamy? One woman is enough work, let alone a harem. That's simply ridiculous. A man has as many masters as he has vices. Your passions, unless you rule them with an iron will, become like a unbridled unsaddled horse and take you where it whims. That was in "city of god", by augustine.

Anonymous said...

What about:
(a pdf is available here )

This study considers evidence of Māori sex inequality in life chances during the prehistoric, proto-historic and early historic eras in terms of sex differences in bone size and structure, historic reports of sex dimorphism in height, and early census data of ratios of numbers of males to females. The triangulated evidence suggests significant inequality by sex. This evidence is then placed into a contact era Polynesian context. The broader evidence, also triangulated, suggests that sex inequality amongst Māori was not unique in Polynesia. Nor, however, was inequality universal across Polynesia. There are wide differences in sex inequality in different contact-era Polynesian societies. Sex inequality appears to have been less in Tonga, Samoa and Hawai’i than in New Zealand, Tahiti, the Marquesas, Easter Island and the Cook Islands. Sex inequality mostly collapsed by the first third of the 20th century, rendering the cross-island comparisons much more homogeneous.

And the quote from the text:

The overall picture from triangulation of three data sources ? skeletal evidence, historic reports on Maori height dimorphism from 1769 to 1860, and early censuses from the 1830s to 1850s ? is of substantial Maori sex inequality in life chances to the disadvantage of females in the prehistoric, proto-historic and early historic periods. Differential chances show up in differential bone structures and sizes, historical reports of sex differences in height and morphology, and in a significantly unequal sex ratio in a large number of Maori regional censuses. Compared with post-1857/8, the evidence suggests continuity. As inequality pre-existed, the colonial experience was not a cause

And then there is this one:

"A second trend evident in census data for this period is a substantial increase in the ratio of women to men. Throughout the 19th century, Māori men outnumbered Māori women by as much as 20 percent. In 1881 for example, there were only 81.5 females for every 100 males. From the late 19th century, this large gender imbalance began to decline and by 1951, there were 92 women for every 100 men. Detailed gender ratios are shown in Table 3. Chapple (2000) considers various explanations for the gender imbalance and its decline. The most likely explanation, he concludes, is that improvements in the material well-being of Māori communities reduced the number of people who were living ‘near a margin of subsistence’ and allowed families to allocate a greater proportion of basic resources, such as food and health care, to girls and women."

How peachy it all looks!!!